Author Archives: Sarah Phillimore

Family Law Class organised by the Bristol CJC 20th January 2016

HHJ Stephen Wildblood QC to offer further free family law session in Bristol.

20th January, 6-8pm at UWE.

Following the success of the first free family law session at the Bristol Civil and Family Justice Centre in October of last year, a second free Bristol family law session is planned to take place on Wednesday, 20 January 2016 from 6.00pm-8.00pm at the University of the West of England, Frenchay Campus, Bristol.

The event is once again aimed at anyone interested in finding out more about the Family Court, all professionals working in the field of family law, journalists and students.
Join HHJ Stephen Wildblood QC, designated family judge for the Bristol area, and a panel of experts to hear about the work of the Family Court and what to do if you are faced with a personal or family disagreement.
Following feedback from the first event, new topics and speakers have been added and the question and answer session will be extended to promote further debate.

The topics covered will include:
• How to access help and support if faced with a personal or family disagreement
• The role and work of the Social Worker
• The role and work of the Guardian
• How decisions are made about children

You will have an opportunity to ask questions about the practice of the Family Court. The panel of experts will include:

• HHJ Stephen Wildblood QC
• Sarah Stott, Cafcass
• Patrick Moreno, Senior Lecturer at UWE, specialising in children’s social work
• Louise Tickle, Journalist
• Judi Evans, Barrister, St John’s Chambers
• Lucy Reed, St John’s Chambers
• Sarah Phillimore, St John’s Chambers
• Zahid Hussain, Barrister, St John’s Chambers
• Emma Whewell, Senior Lecturer in Law, UWE

To apply for a place, please click on the following link: http://uwe.formstack.com/forms/family_law_session

For information about how to find Lecture Theatre 2B025, the bus stops and the car parks on the UWE Frenchay Campus, please see the attached Frenchay Campus map.
Please note that parking is free on the Frenchay Campus after 5pm.

If you have any access or special requirements, please contact em**********@****ac.uk in advance of the event.

Free tea/ coffee will be available from 6pm to 6.30pm. The event will start at 6.30pm and finish at 8.00pm.

For more information visit www.familycourtinfo.org.uk – the site is aimed at people who are involved in or may be involved in a case in the Family Court in this area (Bristol, Weston, Gloucester and Bath). It sets out the range of help that is available locally, and provides basic information about how the Family Court works.

 

Why do I worry about John Hemming?

This is a post by Sarah Phillimore

It seems that a lot of people genuinely have no idea about the full extent of John Hemming’s activities and the kind of people he supports. I am often asked on Twitter and elsewhere – but why don’t you support John Hemming? He does so much good and has exposed so much wrong doing?

So I am going to collect here the reasons why, so if I am asked that question again, my response can be speedy and efficient.

I accept that John Hemming has done some good for the family law system. I accept for example that he was right to be concerned about applications to send people to prison which were not being publicised or reported. He was right to be concerned about LA’s historic ignorance of and failure to comply with the Vienna Convention.

But. But. But. The harm he has done by his promotion of and support for the most malignant of the conspiracy cottage industry fantasists I am afraid far outweighs the good. And what is worse, he keeps on going and now appears to be the voice of our country to the European Parliament.

This is not right. This is not acceptable. This is positively dangerous.

But don’t take my word for it. Read these links and make up your own mind. I will probably be adding to this list

HIs historic activities

http://www.ministryoftruth.me.uk/2011/04/27/hemming-an-abuse-of-privilege/

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2007/aug/08/hemmingsway

His distortion and misreporting of important cases

http://www.headoflegal.com/2013/12/04/booker-hemming-and-the-forced-caesarian-case-a-masterclass-in-flat-earth-news/

http://www.pinktape.co.uk/cases/never-let-the-facts-get-in-the-way-of-a-good-story-eh/

https://childprotectionresource.online/the-woeful-state-of-our-debate-about-child-protection-part-ii/

Including his eagerness to make serious accusations with no evidence in abuse of his position

http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWCA/Civ/2008/462.html.

See in particular para 88 of that judgment:

I find it not only unacceptable but shocking, that a man in Mr Hemming’s position should feel able to make so serious an allegation without any evidence to support it. In my judgment, it is irresponsible and an abuse of his position. Unfortunately, as other aspects of this judgment will make clear, it is not the only part of the case in which Mr Hemming has been willing to scatter unfounded allegations of professional impropriety and malpractice without any evidence to support them.

His support for Belinda McKenzie and Sabine McNeill

https://theneedleblog.wordpress.com/2015/03/27/hampstead-mckenzie-friends-and-terence-ewing/

https://theneedleblog.wordpress.com/2015/04/26/why-i-do-not-support-john-hemming/

https://hoaxteadresearch.wordpress.com/2015/08/03/amber-hartman-v-confidentiality/

[And if you don’t know why these women are dangerous, read the judgment in the P and Q case or this blog post by Barrister Blogger.]

 

His association with Ian Josephs and others of questionable repute

https://childprotectionresource.online/helping-parents-leave-the-jurisdiction/

 

He gives vulnerable people really bad advice

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/liberal-democrat-mp-john-hemming-tells-parents-suspected-of-child-abuse-to-flee-because-they-can-t-9054716.html

Some credible people seem to accept him as legitimate

https://childprotectionresource.online/censorship-and-the-protection-of-commercial-interests-the-woeful-state-of-our-debate-about-protecting-children/

https://childprotectionresource.online/the-woeful-state-of-our-debate-part-iv/

https://twitter.com/pennylilac/status/662787454085255168

http://www.marilynstowe.co.uk/2015/08/19/adoption-a-look-at-the-statistics-by-john-hemming/

And his refusal to ever accept that he has done anything unwise or wrong…

https://twitter.com/SVPhillimore/status/673292636820754433

 

EDIT. John Hemming is concerned that I ‘misrepresent his views’ about my claim that the refuses to accept wrongdoing over his patronage of Sabine McNeill and Belinda McKenzie.

Apparently he had no idea what they were up to prior to January 2015 and therefore should not be criticised for failing to withdraw earlier as their patron.

So the questions must be now:

  • if you DID NOT know what they were up to before 2015, despite your longstanding involvement with Sabine McNeill, why didn’t you? and
  • if you DID NOT know what they were up to, why on earth did you offer them your patronage without at least some cursory investigation of their activities?

Read what Sabine was up to in 2011. And how commentators Avalon111 and Jimmy were able to recognise what John Hemming apparently cannot.

As of May 2016, Sabine doesn’t seem to realise she has been cut adrift by John Hemming. Her support for him remains strong.

EDIT December 2018

Hoaxstead Research are covering the trial of Sabine McNeil for the breach of her restraining order which attempted to stop her continued harassment of the parents in the Hampstead case. Read here Sabine’s own account of the support and encouragement given to her by Hemming in her battle against the secret family courts.

 

So yes, I am afraid I remain really worried about John Hemming.

 

 

The woeful state of our debate Part VI: 8 questions to ask family judges.

On November 24th I attended the 9th Annual Family Justice Council debate at the Strand Palace Hotel in London. You can read more about the debate and the work of the FJC at this post on the Transparency Project.

To my surprise, I found Ian Josephs himself in attendance; he took the floor to deliver a speech which had a strangely familiar ring – he seems to repeat the same things over and over again on various blogs. Also, on every chair was a piece of A4 paper which set out ‘Eight Questions to Ask Family Court Judges’ which I assume was also the work of Mr Josephs as it is set out on his website.

But I thought it was worth deconstructing here – to remedy a little the deep unease I felt at seeing Mr Josephs take to the floor in the way he did; without challenge or rebuttal (I did not think it would be appropriate to intervene, given my likely inability to remain composed and polite). Its all very well people saying he is a harmless buffoon – but people do listen to him and worse, they sometimes take his advice. And as his actions with regard to Marie Black show, he isn’t harmless, not by a long chalk.

We have to tread a fine line between heavy handed censorship and giving dangerous people a platform. I felt his presence and his contributions to the FJC debate stepped over that line into giving him a degree of respect and credibility I do not remotely think he deserves.

But judge for yourselves. Here are his ‘8 questions’ and my responses.

1. Great Britain is the only country in the world where substantial numbers of pregnant women seek asylum in other countries to have their babies SAFE from UK social services and forced adoption.  Yes British mothers are fleeing the country in ever increasing numbers to avoid the adoption of their unborn babies. Surely this shows that something is very badly wrong?

The immediate problem with this is that it is strong on rhetoric, weak on substance. There is a network of people helping ‘mums on the run’ ; Josephs himself claims to have helped about 200 families over an undisclosed period of time while Brian Rothery alleged in 2014 that 1 family arrived in Ireland ‘every week’.

But the problem is, as Josephs has enthusiastically confirmed on this blog, he doesn’t carry out any risk assessments or keep any records. So where is he getting the information to support this very clear assertion that ‘substantial’ numbers of women are fleeing and that these numbers are ‘ever increasing’ ?

Nor is it true that ‘Great Britain’ is the ‘only’ country ‘in the world’ where pregnant women leave the country to avoid the authorities. I can’t comment on his use of the word ‘substantial’ as he doesn’t even attempt to define it. For example, the Nordic Committee on Human Rights (whose President Ruby Harold Claesson appears to associate closely with John Hemming, Ian Josephs and Sabine McNeill) claimed in 2012 that 

Since the beginning of the 1980’s, a great number of families have fled from Sweden in order to protect their children from being taken into care and placed in foster homes.

Yes, it does show something is very badly wrong if pregnant and desperate women are choosing to leave their  homes, their families and their support networks with the assistance of cash from Josephs. But what is wrong is that vulnerable people are being so poorly advised; it is notable that Josephs never appears to talk about what happens when it goes wrong – how Ireland, for example, certainly does not see itself as offering a ‘safe haven’ to those escaping a brutal and repressive regime and will co-operate with the UK authorities to return children. 

2. Adoption without consent is a last resort when nothing else will do say the legal guidelines but this cannot be true, since many other countries such as France manage to find other ‘resorts’ and thus never need to use this so called last resort, so why cannot the UK adopt the same remedies as the French for example?

It is a reasonable point that severing the legal ties between child and parent is something that England and Wales seem keener on doing than do other European countries – see paragraph 72 of this report for the Council of Europe in March 2015. But what are these other ‘remedies’ used by the French? It seems that other countries do not keep the same kind of data that we do about the number of children who are not living with their parents. But certainly every European country permits adoption; abusive parents are a universal phenomenon. It seems that other European countries make more use of long term foster care than we do – but this doesn’t necessarily mean that children remain in contact with their parents or that the parents can enjoy any meaningful exercise of their parental responsibilities.

Ian Josephs doesn’t seem to know what other ‘remedies’ or ‘resorts’ other countries use; to be fair to him, that isn’t widely circulated knowledge. Hopefully comparative lawyers such as Dr Claire Fenton-Glynn can undertake further research so we can better understand what other countries do and why they do it.  Ironically, it seems that Ireland may reform its historically restrictive adoption laws in order to increase the numbers of children adopted from foster care.

3. The President of the family courts in re J (a Child) said that since the abolition of capital punishment the most drastic decision any judge could make was to take its child from its parents. If a sane mother with no criminal record has her new born baby removed for ‘risk of emotional abuse’ she is punished without her breaking any laws. Surely punishment without crime is as illogical as it is wrong?

The problem with this is that Ian Josephs continually frames care proceedings and the removal of children as ‘punishing’ parents, when the aim of such proceedings is to protect children. Thus this question is inapt. I understand and accept that to many parents the loss of their children is a devastating emotional blow, but that doesn’t make it a ‘punishment’ inflicted by the state.  That is why new born babies can lawfully be removed. It is not to ‘punish’ the mother but to protect that baby. The law recognises that this is an exceptionally serious course of action and is only lawful if there is a serious risk to the child based on established history, such as drug abuse or persistent cruelty/neglect by the parents of their elder children.

‘Punishment without crime’ is one of his favourite catchphrases but its meaningless in this debate.

4. Many babies and young children are taken at birth for eventual adoption from mothers diagnosed with ‘borderline personalities’ and similar mental failings by court appointed experts. Unlike defendants in criminal courts parents in family courts are not allowed to get a second opinion from a private medical source to call as their witness without permission from the judge. Surely that is a violation of Article 6 (Human Rights Act) giving persons appearing in court the right to call witnesses in determination of their civil rights?

I don’t know what is meant by ‘many’ babies and young children taken because their mother has borderline personality disorder – which is a serious mental health issue. That isn’t my experience in practice. I don’t know what information or statistics he has to allow him to state this.

What does he mean by ‘court appointed experts’ ? Yes, the court must permit the instruction of the expert but the expert must be instructed and agreed by ALL the parties, including the parents. Reference to Article 6 of the ‘Human Rights Act’ is telling – he means Article 6 of the ECHR. Does he actually understand what he is referring to?

If not being allowed a second expert is indeed a breach of Article 6 of the ECHR then it is odd that there has been no successful challenge to section 13 of the Children And Families Act 2014 which makes it very clear that the courts will now be reluctant to permit even one expert, let alone two.

5. Research has shown that Open Adoptions have better results for children then closed adoptions used in the UK that break all contact with birth families. If parents were promised at least one annual contact by court order (birthdays or Xmas perhaps?) thus avoiding the heartbreak of no contact at all (letter box being remote and seldom continued) many parents would not go through the agony of contested hearings so would not this be a good thing?

I agree that we need more research and more open minded thinking about adoption and contact – which I have discussed previously here. I don’t know what research he is talking about. Certainly continued contact with birth families who cannot support the adoptive placement or actively attempt to undermine it, is not a positive experience for anyone. Sadly, the reason why so many adoptive parents and social workers are wary of continued direct contact with birth families may well stem from the kind of advice Ian Josephs gives to birth parents, see for example the first of his ‘Golden Rules’ :

IGNORE SOCIAL WORKERS!! They have NO authority .Don’t talk to them ,never go to their meetings (You will be outnumbered by at least five or six to one and bullied accordingly),never obey them,never never believe what they say,never sign any documents they give you, never allow them in your house(but if they then call the police let the police in but not the social workers),never let them assess you, or send you to the psychobabble charlatans !They are paid to diagnose nearly every parent who is sent to them with non existent illnesses such as borderline personality disorders or narcissistic traits = you don’t like or admire social workers !Many of them really are “the scum of the earth!”and deserve to be locked up for perjury and corruption!

And is it a serious suggestion, that parents will be ‘happy’ with the promise of one direct contact a year and will not then contest the care proceedings? This is an extremely odd belief for Mr Josephs to hold, given that he appears to dedicate most of his website into urging parents to simply refuse to co-operate in any way at all with social workers. His mindset is that removal of children is not justified unless the parents have committed a criminal offence so why should any parent who is not convicted in a criminal court give up their right to care for their child in exchange for one direct contact a year? This suggestion makes no sense.

6. Many babies are taken at birth for ‘risk of emotional abuse’. Something unique in Europe and impossible for parents to defend against court experts who are usually judged more likely on probabilities to be correct than a distraught mother. When adoption follows due to risks that may never happen (from an ex partner who was violent for example) surely these at least are cases where forced adoptions should simply not be allowed?

I don’t know how many babies are taken for ‘risk of emotional abuse’. In my experience at least this is rare. Cases where new borns are removed usually involve serious and long standing issues around drugs, violence and/or mental health difficulties, often the mother has had other children removed who did actually suffer harm.  Again, the reference to ‘court experts’ – there is no such thing.

I note also the trivialising of the violent ex – a repeated refrain in the comments of Mr Josephs. He has little understanding or patience with any suggestion that a women who choses a violent partner may do so out of her own problems with low self esteem or co-dependency and may go on to chose other violent men in the future ,unless she can get some help to break the cycle (for example via the Freedom Programme). Violent men are a massive risk to children.

One of the most unpleasant and uncomfortable parts of the FJC debate for me was when Ian Josephs got a big laugh from the room when he suggested that no Italians would have their children under the UK’s approach to domestic violence. This was offensive and unreal. The problem with violent partners is not simply a bit of excitable shouting as per some offensive Italian racial stereotype. The impact of exposing children to violence is real and serious and Ian Josephs continually shows that he just doesn’t understand.

7. Article 10 (Human Rights Act) reinforces our democratic right to free speech. Surely it is a gross violation to gag mothers whose children have been taken (for possible adoption) by preventing them under threat of jail from identifying themselves and their children when protesting to the media. Similarly is it not also a violation of Article 10 to gag both children in care and parents during contact sessions preventing them from reporting abuse or injuries received in care, discussing their cases, whispering or discussing adoptions under threat that contact will be immediately stopped if parents or children break these rules?

Again, it is NOT the Human Rights Act he means, but Article 10 of the ECHR. I agree he has a point about our stringent rules on confidentiality in children proceedings – I think they are too strict and they should be relaxed; a proposition with which the President of the Family Division agrees. We do need to be able to talk about important issues, such as the State’s intervention in our family lives.

But the rest of this is odd. It underscores that Ian Josephs – in common with so many of the other campaigners in this field – don’t really see children as anything other than adjuncts of their parents. It is the parents’ feelings that matter. The children are there to mop up those feelings. It should be immediately obvious why it is not desirable in a contact session to start conversations about the proceedings or the fact that the children might be adopted. Younger children are likely to be simply distressed and confused by such conversations. Contact should be about enjoying the time with one another, not a platform for a parent to make their case to their children.

8. In many cases parents who have committed no crimes are forbidden by the family courts to contact their own children directly or even indirectly by email etc. Surely that must be a flagrant violation of Article 10 allowing free association when parents as a consequence jailed for breaching the order by sending a birthday card or waving at their own children in the street?

The reason why a parent would be forbidden to so contact their children is almost always because when the parent has been allowed direct contact they have abused that in very serious ways. For example, Vicky Haigh who attempted to brainwash her daughter into believing that she had been sexually abused by her own father. It is a useful indicator of Mr Josephs’ mind set that he cannot accept that Vicky Haigh is anything other than a victim of the Evil Secret Family courts. Again, I suspect this flows from his philosophy that children are important only in so far as they reflect their parents’ desires and emotions.

 

The woeful state of our debate Part V: Linda Arlig, Her Hammer and some Nails.

The curious ‘rhetoric case’ of Linda Arlig

This is a post by Sarah Phillimore

Over the past two years I have been repeatedly referred to a document authored by Linda Arlig of the Department of Social Science, the Psychology Section of the University of Orebro, Sweden.  It is called ‘The Rhetoric Case: Persecution strategies in a child care order investigation’.

After the most recent of such referrals, by a McKenzie friend who is adamant that professionals routinely lie and are corrupt, I thought I had better actually read it and make up my own mind.

It is a very curious document. I attempted to find out more about Linda Arlig and the University of Orebro because it did not seem to me that this could be a serious academic investigation from a credible institute.  I found a copy of her report (first posted December 2013) on the website for the Nordic Committee for Human Rights. At first blush this looks a very professional set up, until perhaps one visits the ‘about’ tab and reads:

In Sweden, and the other Nordic countries, the welfare state has permitted the social authorities to take children into public care. The instrument used is the Law on the ward of Minors (LVU). Thousands of children have been – and are being – taken from their parents and placed in foster homes among complete strangers. These foster homes are often of poor quality and their prime aim is to earn money off the foster children. Foster parents are very well paid to take care of foster children. The families whose children are taken into public care are often lone parents, unemployed and/or on welfare. Immigrant families are very often exposed and affected in this context. The social authorities are very quick to jump to the conclusion that these parents could impossibly be suitable parents. It goes without saying that this is not necessarily the case. The fact that a person does not fit into the very competitive work-market does not make him or her unsuitable as a parent.

In the Nordic countries, quite unlike the Catholic countries of Europe, very little respect is shown for family and private life. The right to respect for private and family life is guaranteed by the UN Declaration of Human Rights and Article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

So, a website with a clear and partial agenda, one that might come to a surprise to the Forced Adoption campaigners in the UK who say we stand alone in Europe as a beacon of repression and unfairness to birth parents. But not perhaps John Hemming, who attended a conference with the NCHR President in 2014.  So I draw some conclusions about the agenda of the NCHR from the company they keep.

EDIT: I draw even more negative conclusions about the integrity of the NCHR when I see who else they associate with, including Sabine McNeill and Ian Josephs. 

The University of Orebro appears to be a real place although my google sleuthing reveals very little else about Linda Arlig.

It  may be that some of the difficulties I have with the paper stem from poor translation, despite four people being credited with the translation to English. For e.g. frequent references in the text are made to a ‘social secretary’ which I assume from the context must mean ‘social worker’.

However, poor translation can only account for some of the criticisms I am about to make.

The general point about rhetoric

The purpose of the ‘art of rhetoric’ is to use language to control, steer and influence people. There are various strategies one can adopt in order to further this end, such as using emotional and stirring language or keeping quiet about inconvenient bits of information. It is clearly not a helpful strategy in the child protection field where language should be as clear and precise as possible in order to assist the court make proper findings about what has actually happened or is likely to happen, and thus to make the best order for the chid.

This report in particular

Having printed it off to read – the font on the NCHR site being too small for comfort – I have 98 pages. The Abstract states :

The purpose of this study is to make a critical examination of six official reports in an LVU (Care of Young Persons Act) investigation, to detect the possible occurrence of persecution strategies in the social welfare service reports and, in that case, to define the strategies used and examine whether the investigation complies with the legitimate claims of objectivity and impartiality.

In the official reports, fifty-six different persecution strategies appear. Definitions of the strategies found are produced, and their application in the case will be shown in passages from the reports. The main patterns seen in the investigators’ actions are: “Power defines reality,” and “influencing and persuading the reader”. Two techniques were found in the material, withholding and fabricating, which co-operate to make an investigation defective.

The strategies have been divided into six groups depending on their purpose:
Persuading the reader through language: contains twelve strategies that the investigators use to try to make the reader come to the same conclusion as themselves.
Making the client seem pathological: contains eight strategies that describe the client as peculiar, mentally unstable, aggressive, etc.
Ignoring objectivity aspects: contains seventeen strategies such as, for example, ignoring the client’s perspective, suppressing information, exaggerating information, fabulation, irrelevant statements, etc.
Exercising power and control: contains six strategies that are all connected with the authorities trying to take control of the client’s life.
The authorities know best: comprises five strategies containing blind faith, moralising, self-justification, emphasis on the social authorities’ resources and exceeding the limits of one’s competence.
Feel-think-believe-experience-interpret: contains nine strategies that are influenced by the investigators’ subjective interpretations, arguments, etc.

Throughout the investigations, the client’s perspective is ignored and references to sources are missing. My conclusion is that the investigations are defective, and that they violate the Constitution Act, Chap. 1, Para. 9, containing directives concerning objectivity and impartiality. The documentation of the case contains a considerable number of distinct persecution strategies.

However my report appears to contain reference to only one distinct case; that of Elizabeth and Anne Edner. The first 42 pages are taken up with explaining what is meant by persecution strategies with frequent references to Edvardsson, I assume another Swedish academic.

Lying as a strategy

One particular alleged ‘persecution strategy’ piqued my immediate interest; the assertion that professionals routinely fabricate evidence.

  • Arlig asserts  that to ’emphasis that the authority knows best, data are [sic] fabricated by means of various persecution strategies’  in order to create ‘monster parents’  [page 9/98].
  • Arlig refers further to ‘secret evidence error’ where ‘one keeps evidence secret. If evidence is missing there is fabulation or lies’.
  • She cites Moijer (1989) who says that some experts use professional terms to impress their audience or ‘sometimes simply to mislead’
  • para 5.4.2. at 34/98 makes explicit reference to the ‘fabulation strategy’ where an investigator ‘generalises, exaggerates, or shifts from making intimations to presenting them as certain facts… this is expressed through words being removed, added, changed…’
  • Para 5.4.4. at 35/98 makes explicit reference to the ‘Lying strategy’  where ‘a statement is consciously made although the author knows that it is a lie’.

Thus the immediate and obvious problem of this report is that Arlig is clearly keen to fudge completely the distinction between:

  • a deliberate lie, told with conscious knowledge that it is untrue; and
  • a statement that is misleading because the wording used is exaggerated, imprecise or incomplete.

That she wishes to fudge this distinction is clear from this paragraph at 35/98

Lies can be presented in different ways… there is the clear lie, which consists of saying something when one knows that it is not the case. But being misleading by concealing the truth can be just as effective …. the result is often the same’.

The fudging of this distinction is a problem for the credibility and integrity of her work. There is an immediate and serious distinction between the two offences. Neither are desirable, but the deliberate telling of a lie is at the highest end of the scale of moral turpitude for a professional. It is an entirely different and bigger problem than the issue of misleading the reader through careless or imprecise use of language.

I cannot then find any further attempt to distinguish between the ‘fabulation’ and the ‘lying’ strategy, but of course, whenever I am referred to this report by those of the Forced Adoption lobby, they invariably cite it as ‘proof’ that social workers routinely ‘lie’ to ‘win’ cases against parents.

The methodology of the report

Is curious to say the least. Arlin comments at 10/98 that ‘the examination of the material was not based on a critical investigative method. One important starting point in this work was not to form any opinion about whether the application for care with the backing of LUV was right or wrong’.

However, the material that she did examine did NOT include the actual application for the order to remove Anne from Elizabeth’s care and that ‘makes it impossible for me to check from where the original information was obtained’.

This makes a nonsense of the whole endeavour. Elizabeth Edner is clearly described in the papers as having serious historic problems with alcohol misuse. Her baby daughter was removed from her care when she was found drunk in charge of her. Attempts were made to keep mother and baby together at a family welfare clinic but Elizabeth absconded and the police had to be involved. Concerns about Elizabeth’s mental state and irrational and aggressive behaviour (including starting fires) continued and Anne remained in foster care.

If we haven’t actually established whether any or all of this is true then it makes a mockery of the exercise that Arlig then undertakes. Despite her starting point of not making any assumptions about whether the application for a care order was ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ she goes on to apparently conclude that it was ‘wrong’ judging from the sheer range and scale of the ‘persecution strategies’ that she finds in the paperwork that she does have.

Arlig is a wonderful example of the old saying – to the man with a hammer, everything is a nail. Her eagerness to identify such ‘persecution strategies’ is at times comical. One report about Elizabeth expresses concern that she has repeatedly telephoned the chairman of the social welfare committee at night, behaviour described as ‘desperate and boundless’. Arlig is able to identify from this concern [72/98]

… an antidemocratic strategy, since the committee members appear to have no office telephones and it is democratic right to contact politicians. The idea in the text appears to be that one should not make use of one’s democratic rights or act democratically in one’s own defence’.

Calling a local politician frequently, at night, presumably at their own home is hardly a convincing example of a rational exercise of one’s ‘democratic right’.

Arlig is entirely unconvinced that anyone should have had any concerns that Elizabeth described the police who tried to intervene after she locked herself in a room with Anne as coming in black clothes ‘like black witches’. This is explained [63/98] as ‘normal’ and simply an example of language as metaphor. Maybe. Maybe not. But I fail to understand how a social worker writing in a report that they found this reaction to the police troubling is automatically indulging in a ‘persecution strategy’.

Some good points

The tragedy about this report is that there are some good and useful discussions about the way in which social workers can and do present evidence in an unhelpful way. All legal practitioners will be sadly familiar with the social worker who exceeds his or her competence in offering for e.g., a diagnosis of a psychiatric condition, or is over confident in their opinions, or who has missed out some important piece of information that puts a parents’ behaviour in a clearer context.

I fully accept that there needs to be more understanding of how and why parents can react in ways which social workers perceive as aggressive or violent. I accept there needs to be more understanding of how the extreme stresses of child protection investigations very often can impact badly on parents and not allow them to present themselves consistently as ‘their best selves’.

But this report is not the way to go about it. The evidence presented about Elizabeth Edner is sadly clear. Accusing the social workers of adopting various deliberate ‘strategies’ against her to make their case is surely an argument that can only be made if there had been investigation of the primary facts – her alcohol misuse, her poor mental health – and those primary facts had been shown to be false or grossly exaggerated. Rather, the snippets of the investigation that Arlig cites appear to show a the compassion of the social workers, and their attempts to see things from Elizabeth’s perspective; recognising the stress that was upon her and how this might impact on her behaviour.

But the bottom line appears to be that this was a mother who put her daughter at immediate physical harm due to being drunk when responsible for her primary care. Arlig continually criticises the social workers for presenting a picture of Elizabeth Edner as an aggressive and mentally ill alcoholic – despite the clear information presented that this was actually what she was.

The sad irony is that a piece of work designed to show case the dangers of rhetoric is itself just another example of it.

EDIT: HHJ Horton’s judgment concerning Hampshire CC in November 2015 deals with what he calls an ‘exceptional’ case of deliberate lying on oath and alteration of reports by social workers. Let’s hope he is right about the ‘exceptional’ bit. 

The Relationship between the Children Act 1989 and the Mental Capacity Act 2005

What happens for children aged 16-18 in care proceedings who lack capacity?

The question of what is meant by capacity is dealt with in another post which looks at the MCA 2005 more generally. 

The MCA is intended to apply to adults who lack capacity – decisions about children should be resolved under the Children Act 1989.  A ‘child’ is a person aged under 18 years. However, it is clear that a number of provisions in the Children Act do not apply to children aged between 16-18 or apply only in ‘exceptional circumstances’.  A care order is one of these.

This reflects the growing autonomy of the ‘neuro-typical’ teenager who is highly likely to be ‘Gillick competent’ by the age of 16 years and thus able to make his or her own decisions about everything other than the most serious matters (refusal of life saving medical treatment for e.g.)

But what happens when you are dealing with a teenager who isn’t ‘neuro-typical’? Section 2(5) of the MCA 2005 provides that the powers of this Act apply in general only to people who are older than 16 years.  But sections 2(6) and 18(3) provide that powers under the Act could be exercised about property and financial affairs for a child whose lack of capacity would continue into adulthood.

If it is not a question of managing property or finances, section 21 of the MCA allows for transfer to and from the Court of Protection and the Family Court. Paragraph 3 of the Mental Capacity Act 2005 (Transfer of Proceedings) Order 2007 allows a court having jurisdiction under the Children Act to direct all or some of the proceedings in the family court to the Court of Protection where ‘in all the circumstances it is just and convenient to transfer the proceedings’.

Paragraph 3(2) sets out what the Family Court must think about:

  • whether the proceedings should be heard together with any other proceedings that are pending in the Court of Protection
  • whether any order that may be made by the Court of Protection is likely to be a more appropriate way of dealing with proceedings
  • the extent to which any order made about a child is likely to continue to have effect when the child is 18
  • Any other relevant factors

Help in understanding what could be another a ‘relevant factor’ is found in the judgment of Hedley J in the case of B (A Local Authority) v RM, MM, and AM [2010] EWHC 3802 (Fam). He posed the following questions:

  • Is the child over 16 years old – the MCA can’t apply otherwise
  • Does the child clearly lack capacity to understand the main decisions in the Children Act proceedings
  • Is this lack of capacity due to life long or at least long term disabilities
  • Can all the decisions that need to be made about the child’s welfare be resolved during the child’s minority?
  • Are the powers of the Court of Protection more appropriate to resolve problems that the powers under the Children Act
  • Can the child’s welfare needs be fully met by the Court of Protection

Continued involvement of the Children’s Guardian

A further practical consideration is that transferring a case from the Family Court to the Court of Protection is likely to lead to the children’s guardian dropping out of proceedings, unless the Official Solicitor (who would then represent the child) agreeing to re-instruct the guardian as an independent social worker. This would clearly be a pretty cumbersome procedure. There will also be implications for continuing public funding for the parents if the matter transfers entirely to the Court of Protection; their continued ability to benefit from legal aid will be subject to a means and merits test.

A solution to this problem would be to continue the care proceedings but at the final hearing, adopt the approach set out in Re B above and ask the Judge to also sit as a Court of Protection judge in order to make the appropriate declarations about the child’s capacity and any orders under section 16 of the MCA to promote the child’s welfare.

 

Further Reading

The woeful state of our debate Part IV – Cascading the judgment in Re N

This is a post by Sarah Phillimore

On November 2nd, ironically as I attended a workshop on cross-border child protection issues, I received an email with the judgment in the case of Re N (Children) (Adoption: Jurisdiction) [2015] EWCA Civ 1112. This was a judgment from a hearing heard at the end of March 2015 but only now did it ‘cascade’ throughout our legal ranks.

The judgment covers a wide range of already familiar territory on matters of jurisdiction in care proceedings involving children from other countries. When the case was emailed I wondered if it was merely coincidence that this wider ‘cascading’ occurred just before the European Parliament Petitions Committee were to conduct their ‘fact- finding’ mission in London:

The Committee on Petitions is organising a Fact-finding visit to London on 5 – 6 November 2015. The aim of the visit is to meet authorities, practitioners (lawyers, social workers) and other stakeholders to exchange views on the petitions related to interventions by the UK authorities on issues of parental responsibility and allegedly abusive decisions on adoption as well as the placing of children in foster care without the consent of biological parents.

When I read Re N I saw that it was unlikely to be coincidence; this judgment appears to be a deliberate attempt to explain the practices and procedures of our court and I assume was thus ‘cascaded’ at this time for the benefit of the Petitions Committee. As the President comments at paras 4 and 5 of his judgment:

During the hearing of these appeals, the issues have broadened, and we have necessarily had to consider a number of very basic but nonetheless fundamentally important issues to do with the application of our domestic adoption law in cases with a foreign element. This judgment is therefore both wide-ranging and in consequence lengthy, as has been its preparation. This has, most unfortunately, led to even more delays in a case that has already been unduly delayed. I am very sorry.

Since our judgments may be read by those not familiar with our domestic constitutional arrangements, I should explain at the outset that within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (what for ease of reference I shall call ‘the United Kingdom’) there are three quite separate legal jurisdictions: England and Wales (which for ease of reference I shall call ‘England’), Scotland and Northern Ireland. We are sitting as judges of the Court of Appeal in England, applying, in addition to the relevant international obligations of the United Kingdom, the domestic law of England.

I am a little taken aback that the parties in this case thus presumably had to wait 7 months for the judgment in this case so that it could also stand as an ‘Introduction to Care Proceedings’ for our European brethren.

I certainly don’t dispute the need for greater clarity about what we do in the family courts and why we do it but why should the vehicle for this educative mission be a judgment in a case involving children? Matters concerning children should be resolved with the least possible delay.   If matters really need spelling out for the European Parliament, hasn’t that already been done in the report of Dr Fenton-Glynn? 

My unease is compounded by what the President then goes on to say about section 20 accommodation from paragraph 157 onwards. in his eagerness to show that we are putting our house in order with regard to the abuse of this section we now appear to have lost a useful and pragmatic mechanism to take some of the heat out of care proceedings.

It was common practice, when a LA was worried about a child returning to live with parents but the parents would not or could not agree to an interim care order, that the parents would consent to section 20 accommodation but agree that they would not exercise their right to remove their child without giving a period of notice, for example 2 weeks. This was a workable compromise which kept the child safe without pushing the parties into an early adversarial battle about whether or not an ICO should be made.

The President says this at para 169:

This is related to the fourth problem, the seeming reluctance of local authorities to return the child to the parent(s) immediately upon a withdrawal of parental consent. It is important for local authorities to recognise that, as section 20(8) of the 1989 Act provides:

“Any person who has parental responsibility for a child may at any time remove the child from accommodation provided by or on behalf of the local authority under this section.”

This means what it says. A local authority which fails to permit a parent to remove a child in circumstances within section 20(8) acts unlawfully, exposes itself to proceedings at the suit of the parent and may even be guilty of a criminal offence. A parent in that position could bring a claim against the local authority for judicial review or, indeed, seek an immediate writ of habeas corpus against the local authority. I should add that I am exceedingly sceptical as to whether a parent can lawfully contract out of section 20(8) in advance, as by agreeing with the local authority to give a specified period of notice before exercising their section 20(8) right.

Because of this judgment, I have already had to have conversations at court about whether or not the LA needed to apply for an ICO given the doubt now cast on the legitimacy of allowing parents to agree to a ‘notice period’ before withdrawing their consent to section 20.

This is potentially a very unhappy position to be in. The President may well be right that the parent cannot lawfully contract out of a statutory provision BUT the signing of such an agreement must surely mitigate against any later accusations that the LA have committed a crime! If the parties to care proceedings are not encouraged to make these kind of sensible and pragmatic ‘holding’ arrangements then what we are inevitably looking at is more contests at an early stage, more pushing parties into adversarial positions, more ‘findings’ being made at shorter hearings. The impact on the court lists will be obvious and severe.

As I keep saying (because it seems very few are listening) we will not solve the problems in our current system by demonising local authorities and those who work there. Is it not possible to point out problems without creating more? Judgements from our courts should not be delayed by many months in order to play to an audience far wider than our own jurisdiction. We are surely entitled to a system that we do not have to keep continually defending.

LATER THIS EVENING EDIT

I understand better the President’s anxiety to make sure his views are heard, when I remind myself who is discussing these issues with the European Committee.

 

 

FURTHER EDIT THIS MORNING

John Hemming confirms what he has been saying to the European Parliament. When a debate is predicated on the ‘immorality’ of a system, then hope of a constructive debate is seriously diminshed.

The woeful state of the debate about child protection Part III: UKIP’s contribution

The UKIP contribution to the debate.

This is a post by Sarah Phillimore

On Monday 26th October the Guardian published an article by Douglas Carswell the UKIP MP.  This called for the family courts to ‘open up’ in order to avoid ‘outrageous injustices’.  UKIP had previously discussed the child protection system in their manifesto, calling for a ‘far reaching child care review’:

A misplaced sensitivity to issues of race and religion, combined with fear, has been
shown to have stopped many investigations into the abuse of children. There is also
concern among the public at rising levels of ‘forced’ adoptions. Some of those charged
with protecting children in care are letting serious cases of abuse and maltreatment slip
through the net. Our children’s wellbeing lags behind many of our European neighbours
and we are seeing alarming rates of self-harm and poor mental health. UKIP is committed to bringing forward a full, open review of all childcare and child protection services in Britain, with a view to initiating wholesale reform of a system that is clearly failing. Our children deserve better and UKIP will investigate failings without fear or favour to deliver a safer, brighter, fairer future for our children.

In the Guardian article, Douglas Carswell was publicising a policy paper on opening up the family courts, written with Duncan Simpson, the deputy director of UKIP’s ‘parliamentary research unit’. I haven’t yet had time to read this policy paper in full, but note the Guardian’s precis of its main conclusions:

  • More use of special guardianship orders to allow grandparents to take over the care of a child.
  • The opening up of placement and adoption order proceedings to the media on the same basis as other family law proceedings.
  • A requirement that all judgments be published, except where the presiding judge seeks and obtains a contrary order from the president of the high court family division.
  • The media to be allowed access to expert reports on an anonymised basis with restrictions enforced only in the most exceptional cases.

The first suggested reform indicates that UKIP have a pretty shaky grasp on what is actually happening on the ground; particularly the disquiet expressed from many about the significant increase in the use of SGOs and how these don’t necessarily represent what is in the best interests of an individual child.

I have no problem with the second third or fourth; I think they are sensible and should be implemented.

However, the devil as always is in the detail. Douglas Carswell is quoted:

Ukip’s only MP suggested that his reforms would have prevented the heartache suffered by Karissa Cox and Peter Butler, who lost custody of their child after being wrongly accused of abuse. The child was put up for adoption after the couple took their baby to hospital after the six-week-old started bleeding from its mouth. Staff at the hospital noticed bruising on the baby, prompting the authorities to take the child into care and to charge the parents with child cruelty.

The parents were cleared this month, by which time the child had been adopted. “If our reforms had been in place that case could not have happened,” Carswell said.

The obvious question is – how on earth could the reforms as set out above have had any impact whatsoever on a case where the medical evidence was incomplete or incorrect – which was the fundamental problem for Karissa Cox and Peter Butler:

Defence experts discovered the child was suffering from Von Willebrand disease, a blood disorder that causes a person to bruise easily, as well as a vitamin D deficiency, which causes infantile rickets. An independent radiologist, commissioned by the prosecution, concluded that he doubted there were any fractures at all.

But its the next bit that really leapt out at me:

The Ukip MP said he accepted that in many disputed cases children need to be taken into care or adopted against the wishes of the parents. “I am not saying it is wrong for the state to forcefully break up a family. There are times when it has to do that.

“But at least the evidence should be tested in an open court. At least there should be some opportunity for people to know what it is they are being accused of ... and at least the people who are preparing the evidence ought to have met the people they are giving evidence about.”

First problem: to say that parents in care proceedings don’t have an opportunity to know the case against them is utterly and bizarrely wrong. Not only do parents know the case against them but the state will pay for their lawyers to challenge the case against them. It is baffling why lawyers are continually air brushed out of the narrative about the Evil and Secret Family Courts; maybe its because we are just so utterly ineffective, ‘legal aid losers’ in the pockets of the local authorities, etc, etc, etc.

Its an extremely irresponsible untruth to keep bandying about. Because no doubt it terrifies vulnerable people who are facing these kinds of proceedings. Is UKIP simply ignorant of how the court process works? Of the rule of law? Of the opportunities to challenge evidence? To cross examine witnesses, professional or otherwise?

Second problem: what does he mean about ‘people preparing the evidence ought to have met the people they are giving evidence about”?  Is this an accusation that expert evidence about parents’ mental or physical health is routinely provided by experts who don’t meet the parents? If he is saying this that, in my view it simply isn’t true – I accept there have been some worrying examples of bad practice but these are rare –  in my own experience spanning 15 years I have never had to deal with a psychiatrist or psychologist who reported without meeting my parent client (although I did make a complaint about a psychologist who was prepared to make an updating report 2 years after she met the parents, without seeing them again) .

Is he saying that doctors examining X-rays or the bruises on a child’s body ought to meet the parents first? If so, why?

Either UKIP just don’t know how the court system works, or they don’t care and would rather a sexy soundbite for a national newspaper than a contribution to responsible debate. This article doesn’t fill me with optimism that their ‘parliamentary research unit’ is going to make an helpful contribution to the debate about how we make our child protection system better.

What a pity. Because as UKIP set out in their manifesto they recognise that many things are going very badly wrong for our children. The last thing we need is just more ill-informed noise to distract us from the realities.

I will now add the UKIP policy paper to my reading list. Maybe I will find some answers to my questions there. But I hope you will forgive me if I am less than optimistic.

National Adoption Week – An Adopter’s view Part II

Who or what is helping traumatised children?

We are grateful for this second post about National Adoption Week from the perspective of an adopter. She queries why the only open and honest debate appears to be coming from adopters or adoptees. This is particularly so when talking about the impact of trauma upon children and their development. That the only intervention for traumatised adopted children appears to be to put them in section 20 accommodation is a ‘national disgrace’. 

I have spent a little too much time reading, listening and watching the coverage of National Adoption Week 2015. I was hoping for a bit more honesty than previous years. I am not at all surprised but am saddened that we really are having the same old tripe being spurted out by those who should know better.

The only honest, open, truly adoption focussed reality checks have come from adopters or adoptees.

We have seen this years strapline emblazoned on some important buildings in a few cities
`Too old at 4’. What the strapline or the hype don’t mention in a realistic way, is the level of trauma those children have suffered or the fight that adoptive parents will have to get them the help and support needed to live with that trauma.

A report published in 2014 ‘Beyond the Adoption Order’ gives a very detailed description of the difficulties.

Children who have suffered trauma – who promotes their ‘best interests?’

In this guest blog, I want to tell you about what can happen when those that should know better do not act in ‘our’ children’s best interests. When I use the term ‘our’ I am talking about adopted children who have, in reality, if not law, two families.

Our children’s trauma usually takes a while to surface, often years and often during the turbulent teens. There will have been a few signs during primary school days for many. Our children will struggle with friendships, with the structure of the school day. They will get far more than their fair share of fixed term exclusions and even permanent exclusions before anyone in local authority education depts will agree to assess them for an education, health and care plans.

The evidence is clear that children in care do not fair well in comparison to their peers and yet adopters struggle to get those in education to believe that our children will suffer the same , if not more, difficulties. We have been able to access the pupil premium over the last few years and we know how it should be spent to help our children. Sadly this doesn’t happen in most local authorities because our children do not have a right to have their education overseen by a virtual school head teacher like children in care do.

If our young people get through the education system, they may not be so lucky in the way their sometimes fragile mental and emotional health is concerned.

The failure of CAMHS Teams and the disgrace of long term section 20 accommodation

Despite their early maltreatment and unresolved trauma, many Child and Adolescent Mental Health (Camhs) teams fail to address the mental health of our children. Adopted children got a mention in an overview of current Camhs provision and their particular difficulties have very recently been the subject of a roundtable discussion.

Social care are often no better than education or health. Adopters have something that birth families, special guardians or kinship carers don’t. We have access to post adoption support social workers. Like many services nationwide, those services vary in quality. The good ones come into their own when our children start to live their trauma out in the here and now. The children make allegations of abuse against their adoptive parents. Thankfully, many of the allegations are false and in a tiny amount of cases where they are found to be true, we all need to know that those children will be kept safe.

However, the majority of allegations are false. We know why our children make allegations but childcare social workers have little experience of traumatised children who are now safe with their adoptive families , safe enough for the trauma of their past to leak everywhere.

Sometimes that trauma shows itself in the violence that our children perpetrate against us, their parents, to their siblings, their friends or even to animals. They can also turn the violence to themselves, taking risks that belie the range of normal teenage risk taking or self harming.
At this point in their lives, many of our children will become `looked after` for the second time in their lives. They will be voluntarily accommodated under Section 20 of the Children’s Act.

For many of our children, they will remain in the care of the local authority under S20 until adulthood. This is a national disgrace. That a maltreated child, removed from their birth family for all the right reasons, does not get the help they and their adoptive families need to resolve (or at least come to terms with) their trauma, is unforgivable in a civilised society.

My message throughout NAW was that children and young people must always be at the core of everything that is done in their name. Those who have returned to care are no different.

‘OUR’ Kids must always be the priority.

National Adoption Week – An adopter’s view

We are grateful for this post from an adoptive parent, who calls for an end to the distorting rhetoric about adoption; without honest and open discussion of what is gained and lost through adoption, we risk losing focus on what should be the fundamental core of all our endeavours here –  the children and what they need.

During National Adoption Week, as a society, will we be able to finally have the conversation we urgently need? Or will rhetoric and political agendas continue to stifle that debate?

I have come to understand that adoption is more about loss than gain

Today is the start of National Adoption Week (NAW) when Adoption Agencies (on behalf of the Government) want and need to inform the public about how their country needs them. Not to go to war but to parent children and young people through adoption when nothing else will do

I am an adopter. I have a few problems with National Adoption Week. I probably shouldn’t because I can recall seeing some daytime tv 16yrs ago and thinking – `yep, that is what we need to do.’ Hubby and I would make good parents and if children need a forever family, that can and should be us.

Over the years that followed that day, I have come to understand that modern adoption is more about loss than gain. I hope you will understand why I think that by the end of this week.

I am a member of a peer support group for the parents of traumatised adopted children and young people. Trauma is a term we think best describes the losses our children have lived with. It describes their loss of birth family, identity, childhoods where they had rights to be kept safe, physically and psychologically.

A few weeks ago a few of us attended the first Family Law Class open to all . It was a good class. We were well aware that ‘our’ children’s birth families could be sat next to us and that was ok. It was ok because we know about their loss, their difficulties with communicating and dealing with professionals at an immensely difficult time in their lives. We know because a minority of experienced adopters go through the same experience with social services as many struggling birth parents. I will talk about that later this week.

Today I want to talk about what I feel is often unsaid during NAW, about birth parents, adopters and ‘our’ children.

The elephant in the room – what will happen if my child’s birth parents didn’t harm them after all?

Those professionals and interested adopters will know that the answer to the question is – probably nothing. The circumstances under which any Judge will reverse a decision involving an Adoption Order (certainly after some time has elapsed) are very rare.

But experienced adopters are well aware of the miscarriages of justice that have happened in the UK. I speak for many adopters who feel that these miscarriages of justice are a travesty. A child and maybe their siblings will have lost their birth parents, each other and everything they hold dear. They may be moved from pillar to post within the care system, being sent to live with strangers and one day, will have to learn that none of that should have happened. Such a loss can never really be put into words can it?

Adopters feel for birth parents where miscarriages of justice have happened. We have genuine empathy for them and hope that agencies (& if necessary the courts) do everything in their power to ensure that those children, birth parents and adoptive families are enabled to build a mutually rewarding relationship in the future. It can be done, I am sure of it. Society needs it to be so.

But what of those children and young people that were rightly removed from their birth parents?

People approved for adoption will have been told and will have read reports written by social services about the children’s life with birth parents. We will have been told that the children need a new `forever` family because birth parents are not able to safeguard them. The birth parents are deemed by all in authority to not be `good enough parents’.  This is my first problem with NAW.

NAW will have you, the person wanting to be a parent, believing that that is absolutely the case. It may well be, but I have been concerned for a number of years that it isn’t that simple.
Prospective adopters need to believe that for `our` children to have been placed for adoption, their birth families must not have been ‘good enough’ to do the job. Parents need to keep the children safe, not to abuse or neglect them, to put the children’s needs above their own. Parenting isn’t just about loving them. Social services are meant to prove that to be the case. Family law courts are supposed to ensure that that is the case before they agree to a placement order and thereafter an adoption order. Adopters need to believe that social services have also ruled out that other forms of permanence would not be in their child’s best interest too.

We will be led to believe that some birth parents should either never have direct contact (I prefer to say `have a relationship with`), or should absolutely have a relationship. We need to know that all the decisions made in relation to `our` children are made with the best of intentions.

We adopters need to know these things because contrary to some rhetoric, adopters do not want to steal children, we are not a market of middle class do gooders or people that need to have a child as a fashion accessory. We are not the reason that children need to be removed from the otherwise loving caring homes any more than the government have `targets` for removing children to support some black market.

We are just people who know we can give love, nurture and care to traumatised children and young people. We can and do put our children’s needs above our own.

My message throughout NAW is that children and young people must always be at the core of everything that is done in their name.

`OUR’ kids must always be the priority.

SH v Italy – violation of Article 8 by failing to support family to stay together

The case of SH v Italy was decided on 13th October 2015  – the judgment is in French. Citations here have been provided in English via Google Translate. 

The court unanimously found violation of the mother’s Article 8 rights and awarded her 32,000 Euros in compensation. 

The Facts

The mother, had 3 children, born in 2005, 2006 and 2008. She had depression and was taking medication. On 11th August 2009 the Italian authorities removed the children from the care of the parents after several incidents where the children had ingested medication and required hospitalisation.

On 20th October 2009 the parents conceded they were struggling but they could care for the children with the help of Italian social services and the children’s grandfather. On 3rd December 2009 a psychiatrist concluded that the children should be reunited with their parents; the mother was following ‘pharmacological therapy’, was willing to undergo psychotherapy and had a very strong emotional bond with the children. The Italian equivalent of the children’s guardian agreed and recommended the reunification of the family with a support package.

On January 19th 2010 the Italian court ordered the return of the children. However, sadly in March 2010 the children were once again removed as the mother was hospitalised, had separated from the father and the grandfather was ill. There then followed a period of delay until the court ordered an expert’s report in October 2010. The report came in January 2011 and recommended that the children remain in foster care while contact with their parents was increased and the matter re-assessed in 6 months time.

However, the court rejected these recommendations and on 1st March 2011 ‘declared the children adoptable’ and contact ceased. The court relied upon the ‘serious mental problems’ of the mother and that the father could not show affection to the children and displayed aggression in his interactions with social workers.

The parents appealed but this was rejected by the Appeals Court in Rome in February 2012:

The Court of Appeal observed that the authorities had made the necessary efforts to ensure support to parents and to prepare the return of children to their families. However, the project had failed, which demonstrated the inability of parents to exercise their parental role and the lack of transitional nature of the situation. Based on the findings of social services, the appeal court emphasized that the project’s bankruptcy had had negative consequences for children and adoptability was to safeguard their interest in being welcomed into a family able to care for them adequately, that their family of origin was not able to do because of the mother’s health and the father’s difficulties. The Court of Appeal noted that there had been positive developments in the situation, as the awareness of the mother of her health problems and her willingness to follow a treatment course and the father’s efforts to find resources to take care of his children or the availability of the grandfather to help his son. However, according to the Court of Appeal, these elements were not sufficient for the purposes of assessing the ability of the parents to exercise their parental role

A further appeal to the Supreme Court failed. In February 2014 the mother attempted to revoke the adoption order but was unsuccessful and thus she applied to the European Court, claiming a violation of her rights under Article 8 of the ECHR, in that the Italian authorities had not met its obligation to provide support to keep the family together. The children ended up in 3 different places; not only did they lose their relationship with their parents, but also with each other.

The Italian Government argued that it had acted to protect the children; the first attempt to reunify the family had failed and the children had suffered harm to their emotional development.

The judgment of the European Court

The court commented at paragraph 41:

It is for each Contracting State to equip itself with adequate and sufficient legal arsenal to ensure compliance with its positive obligations under Article 8 of the Convention and the Court whether, in the application and interpretation of applicable law, the domestic authorities had respected the guarantees of Article 8, in particular taking into account the best interests of the child (see, mutatis mutandis, Neulinger and Shuruk v. Switzerland [GC ] No. 41615/07, § 141, ECHR 2010, KAB c. Spain, No. 59819/08, § 115, 10 April 2012, X c. Latvia [GC], No. 27853/09, § 102, ECHR 2013).

The crucial question here was whether, the Italian authorities had taken all necessary and appropriate measures that could reasonably be required of them for the children to lead a normal family life with their own families.

The court noted at paragraph 47:

The Court notes that the expert appointed by the Court envisaged a course of rapprochement between parents and children, with an intensification of meetings and a review of the situation after six months. The proposed solution was based on the existence of strong emotional bonds between parents and children, as well as the overall positive assessment of the capacity of parents to fulfil their role and their willingness to collaborate with social services. The Court noted that the expert in question was lodged at January 13, 2011 and only two months later, i.e. on 1st March 2011, the court, contrary to the indications of the expert, said children adoptable and ordered the suspension of meetings. The decision to cut immediately and definitively the maternal bond was taken very quickly, without careful analysis of the impact of the extent of adoption of the persons concerned and despite the provisions of the law under which the declaration of adoptability must remain the extrema ratio. Therefore, the court, in refusing to consider other less radical solutions feasible in this case, such as family support project envisaged by the expertise, dismissed any final opportunity for the project to succeed and for the applicant to reconnect with his children.

The court examined other authorities where the positive obligations of the state had been examined. It agreed it was not always clear cut where the decision should be made that a state had failed to meet those obligations and member states retain a ‘margin of appreciation’.

However, at para 57 the court commented:

The Court does not doubt the need in the situation of the case, an intervention by the competent authorities for the purpose of protecting the interests of children. However, [the court] doubts the appropriateness of the intervention chosen and believes that the national authorities have not sufficiently worked to save the mother-child bond. It observes in fact that other solutions were feasible, as envisaged by the expert and particularly the implementation of targeted social assistance that will help overcome the difficulties associated with the health status of the applicant , preserving family ties while ensuring the protection of the best interests of children.

At paragraph 54 the court very clearly re-stated the role of state agencies in this kind of situation; vulnerable people require greater protection:

The Court reiterates that the role of social protection authorities is precisely to help people in difficulty, to guide them through the process and advise, among others, on how to overcome difficulties (Saviny v. Ukraine, no 39948/06, § 57, 18 December 2008; RMS v Spain. no 28775/12, § 86, 18 June 2013). In the case of vulnerable people, authorities must show particular attention and must ensure their greater protection (B. v. Romania (no O2) n o 1285 to 1203, §§ 86 and 114, February 19 2013; Todorova v Italy. n o 33932/06, § 75, 13 January 2009; RMS c. Spain, no 28775/12, § 86, June 18, 2013; Zhou, cited above, §§ 58-59; Akinnibosun c. Italy, cited above, § 82).

Impact for English courts

Despite the very clear declaration of the President in Re B-S about the positive obligations upon States to keep families together and that adoption must be a ‘last resort’,  it is clear that there is a tension between this obligation and the requirement that care proceedings must conclude as quickly as possible in or any event within 26 weeks. Access to mental health services is poor and parents will often find themselves on a waiting list for therapy, to be told this is ‘outside the child’s timescales’.

The salient facts here were the clear recognition of the strong bonds between mother and children and the fact that the consequences of failure to reunifiy the family were so serious, in that the children lost their relationship with their parents and each other. These considerations will not be present in all cases; proceedings involving babies removed at birth will not compell  consideration of an existing bond, but whether or not that bond should be permitted to develop. That may well lead to decisions to remove that are considered proportionate.

However, this very clear re-statement by the European Court of what is mean by a state’s positive obligation towards families, is another interesting authority to suggest that the UK may find itself vulnerable to serious criticism at some future point.

For example, it is interesting to note the positive research about the impact and efficacy of the Family Drug and Alcohol Courts and yet this model is still not being rolled out nationally. Are we really confident that the way we approach care proceedings with a care plan for adoption, is going to survive scrutiny in the European court?